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Political Information Last Updated: Mar 28, 2022 - 12:08:15 PM

By Hatonn Phoenix Journal
Jan 10, 2022 - 5:20:21 AM

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The Guyana missile base was one of the major targets of the revised planning. When this planning began more than two years prior, the Space Battle of the Harvest Moon still lay in the future. It seemed quite inconceivable that America could lose its secret beam-weapons base which was soon to be operational on the moon; and so long as they had this Moon Base to depend on, your Unseen Rulers thought they could not lose. But in light of the Underwater Missile double-cross, they wanted to be able to pull as many of Russia's military teeth as possible. In this way, their destruction of Russia would be even more complete than originally planned.

The planners of Operation Guyana were given a difficult problem to solve. The objective was to wipe out the Russian missile base in Guyana by removing the threat it posed to the Panama Canal and southern American cities; but this was to be a pre-war operation carried out covertly and with complete surprise. It had to be covert, because neither the United States nor Russia could afford to have it known that the base ever existed; and the surprise had to be complete, because with even the briefest warning the base could be reinforced and defended by Cuban troops.

From these requirements it was concluded that a commando-style raid would be necessary, something like the Israeli raid at Entebbe Airport in Uganda in July 1976. Are the similarities and implications becoming a bit more clear to you readers? Any other kind of attack would have required your leaders to do what President Kennedy did in 1962, and that is: Tell the American people what was afoot and ask for your support. At all cost, the one thing your Unseen Rulers were determined not to do was to tell you anything. The problem then arose--how to get the joint attacking forces into Guyana in a force large enough and fast enough to do the job.

Wiping out a base like that one in Guyana, after all, is no small task and it takes experience. It was then concluded that somehow some very sudden, massive, compelling excuse would have to be provided in order to enable the secret joint military forces to enter Guyana temporarily. The excuse, whatever it was, would have to be so visible as to tie Russian's hands so that Russia could not retaliate in Guyana without giving away what she had been up to there; and the excuse, whatever it was, would have to appear non-military yet require military expertise. Furthermore, some provision would have to be made for ALL casualties in the missile-base attack to be removed from Guyana after the raid, otherwise their presence in Guyana could have been made the basis of an international incident trumped up around some different story unrelated to the secret missile base.

For example, the government of Guyana, following Russian dictates, might have publicly displayed the bodies of the joint military forces killed in the attack and said they were killed in an attempted coup d' etat against Forbes Burnham. It was a very big order, but the Jonestown kibbutz proved to be the answer. All that was necessary was to arrange for many hundreds of American citizens to die suddenly in Guyana and under conditions guaranteeing instant massive publicity.

The sheer enormity of the tragedy would require military involvement, and the location of Jonestown was made to order. Helicopters commuting between the Temehri Airfield and Jonestown would naturally fly over the missile complex--whose details were known in spite of expert camouflage. This meant that joint special armed forces could be set down near the perimeters of the missile base and later recovered, along with casualties, with relative ease. And as the reporters at the Temehri Airfield watched helicopters leaving to the northwest and return from the same direction, they were led to assume that all were going to and from Jonestown some 150 miles away. They had no way of knowing that many of the flights were to and from the Russian missile base, which lay in the same direction but only half as far distant.


When it was decided to use mass deaths at Jonestown as a cover for the missile-base attack, Jonestown was functioning only as an outpost of the People's Temple. There were not enough people there to provide a sufficiently major incident to serve the intended purpose, and so, through both direct and indirect means, Jim Jones was persuaded to go to the Guyana kibbutz himself, taking as many of his flock as would follow him. That turned out to be about 25% to 30%, and by following him they automatically identified themselves as the group most highly dependent upon Jones personally. They were also most susceptible to the combined influences of exhaustion, intimidation, and isolation from outside help--in other words, just right for thorough brainwashing. Ever since the days of the Korean war it had been known conclusively that brainwashing techniques can cause many peoples to do all kinds of things. Even hardened American GI's in Korea fell victim to brainwashing in surprising numbers because they did not understand what they were up against. But, of course, the Jonestown victims were anything but hardened soldiers.


In August 1977 Jim Jones left for Guyana with his large sacrificial flock. That same month, United Nations Ambassador Andrew Young carried a message to Prime Minister Forbes Burnham of Guyana. He said that under certain conditions the United States and the World Bank would increase its aid to Guyana--that is, line Burnham's pocket by a factor of ten times more than previous levels. And so the key disaster of Jonestown was set in motion in a day shortly before the Battle of the Harvest Moon.



To trigger the whole tragedy and in a blare of publicity, the interest of late Congressman Leo J. Ryan was developed and programmed.

In a display of courage that is practically unknown today in the U.S. Congress, Ryan went to Guyana knowing that it might be dangerous. But what he did not know, of course, was that he had been lured into making a trip whose tragic outcome was planned well in advance.

Congressman Ryan and those who died with him at Port Kaituma Airport were casualties in the secret war that was leading to Nuclear War One. And so were the hundreds of other American civilians who died in the so-called "mass suicide" at Jonestown, Guyana.

As the time approached for Congressman Ryan to make his anticipated trip to Guyana, other activities were set in motion on the diplomatic and military stage. It was essential that Russia's attention be diverted away from Guyana until too late to take action to protect the missile base. Russia's prize in the Western Hemisphere, of course, is Cuba; and so in the final days before the Battle of Guyana on Thanksgiving Day 1978, the trumped up MIG-23 crisis--does anyone remember that one?--was used to divert Russian attention to Cuba. Oh, we have lots and lots of wondrous secrets to talk about, don't we? Only too late did the Kremlin discover that the real target was not Cuba but Guyana.



Close aides of the late Congressman Leo Ryan have reported publicly that his ill-fated decision to go to Guyana was triggered by a State Department report to him that he found totally unsatisfactory. This reaction of Ryan's had been correctly predicted and, in fact, deliberately encouraged. With elections coming up, Congressman Ryan decided to schedule the trip after the election during the Congressional recess.

This was a quite natural decision, and had also been anticipated by the planners behind the scenes. No politician would miss the opportunity to campaign right up to election day.

As the time approached for his trip, the false issue of the Cuban MIG-23 crisis erupted. The Carter Administration had learned nearly a year prior that the Russians were going to send the M1G-23s to Cuba and decided that it would be a perfect pretext for a fake crisis. The MIG-23 can carry certain types of nuclear weapons as claimed; but even in this role it is a tactical weapon best suited for support of ground or naval forces.

The MIG-23 in and of itself does not threaten America in the same way that the 1962 Cuban missiles did; and so when the United States began playing up the MIG-23s, it was very obvious to the Kremlin that this was a deliberate effort to stir up public tension over Cuba. The questions was: Exactly what was the United States up to? Would the Carter Administration be so crazy as to invade Cuba? Such a thing sounded irrational, but America's Unseen Rulers were behaving more and more irrationally.

This, too, was partially deliberate and was intended to keep the chess players in the Kremlin off balance, but it was also partly a result of the increasing degree of control over America by those Satanic schizophrenics, the Bolsheviks.

Cuba was, after all, very important to Russia, for Russia was looking ahead to world domination after Nuclear War I; and for that, Cuba is Russia's main beach-head in the Western Hemisphere. Even more urgently, Cuba was the un-admitted home of Russia's Caribbean Submarine Fleet, and that fleet had repeatedly moved into attack positions in the Gulf of Mexico over the prior two years and more during periods of tension.

As if that were not enough, there were concentrations of nuclear weapons in at least four land locations in Cuba. One was near the north coast roughly 10 miles inland southeast of Cardenas. This location is 150 miles due south of Cape Sable, Florida. A second site was about 150 miles to the east-southeast of that and about 10 miles inland from the north coast. One hundred twenty-five miles farther to the southeast was a third concentration 15 miles northeast of Marti', well inland. A fourth nuclear site was near the eastern tip of Cuba, 28 miles north-northwest of the United States Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay.

With all this at stake, American publicity over the MIG-23s caused worry in the Kremlin. And in early November the tension increased when the United States began sending SR-71 reconnaissance flights over Cuba -- shades of 1962.

In response, massive formations from the Atlantic, Pacific, and Caribbean Submarine Fleets of the Russian Navy began fanning out along America's east, west, and gulf coasts on November 6. They did not deploy into attack formations but their sheer numbers signaled a clear warning to Washington. At that moment they were still on station, many with neutron weaponry.

Then during the week immediately preceding the tragedies in Guyana the MIG-23 pseudo crisis built to a climax. Beginning on Tuesday, November 14, a huge combined American and British naval Task Force began heading toward Cuba. By midweek, Cuban defense forces were on full alert, and on Thursday, November 16, a group of twelve United States Senators in Moscow--supposedly to discuss the SALT talks--met with Russia's Kosygin.

There they pressed the alleged issue of the Cuban MIG-23 argument, calling it a "false issue". As a former test pilot and America's first astronaut in orbit, Senator Glenn knew what he was talking about, but Kosygin's anger over the other comments about the MIGS provided the United States Intelligence community with valuable proof that the decoy action toward Cuba was working. The next day, November 17, Russia publicly admitted sending MIG-23s to Cuba, calling them strictly defensive weapons.

The same day an editorial in the Washington Post typified the crescendo of media attention to the Cuban MIG-23s. It was titled: "A New Cuban Missile Crisis?"

The very next day, Saturday, November 18, Congressman Leo Ryan, three newsmen, and a woman seeking to escape from Jonestown were slaughtered at the Port Kaituma Airport. At least a dozen other people were also wounded, but there was no effort to destroy the airplane filled with terrified escapees from Jonestown. Instead, many witnesses were left alive, and a smaller plane managed to take off right after the airport massacre and report the attack in the capital, Georgetown.

Immediately world attention was focused on Guyana, and meanwhile the mass murder at Jonestown--wrongly called a mass suicide--was underway.

At this point, the elaborate decoy action toward Cuba was no longer needed, so the Pentagon announced that a routine naval exercise was in progress which would approach no closer to Cuba than 50 miles. Cuban defense forces relaxed, but the real action was only beginning in Guyana. The methodical executions of Congressman Ryan and three prominent newsmen had guaranteed that Jonestown would shortly be in the glare of publicity. Having guaranteed this publicity, Jim Jones then ordered the mass executions at the Jonestown kibbutz.



The complete details of the Jonestown disaster may never be known publicly. I can promise you, however, that very, very few who died there, took their own lives--and that is, after all, what suicide is. Many were tricked, not realizing that the death rites were real. Many more resisted, but they were weak, helpless, and confronted with armed execution squads. So by various means, several hundred people were poisoned with potassium cyanide. However, there were many others who did try to escape and who resisted more effectively. Many of those people were herded off into the jungle and shot without mercy.

Finally when the mass murder was completed, the executionists performed their final task of stage-managing the horrible death scene. In order to achieve the surprise needed in attacking the Russian missile base, it was critically important that the first reports from Jonestown described the scene as a mass suicide. Only in this way could its actual military significance be hidden long enough to fool the Russians.

Therefore, all of the bodies free of gunshot wounds were carefully arranged in neat rows and other groupings, suggesting at first sight that everyone died willingly and deliberately. This was the scene that greeted Guyanese troops late the following day, Sunday, November 19. It was more than 24 hours after the kibbutz victims died and the executioners, including the real Jim Jones, were long gone. I will return to the matter of Jones himself later for I know you are curious as to why I keep telling you he ended up in Israel.

--PJ 14 -- pag. 124 -- 128

Related Articles:

Dr. Peter David Beter - Audio Letter No. 40.

Dr Peter Beter - - Audio Letter No. 26.

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